Bricks vs. Clicks ShopRunner Takes Aim at Amazon

ShopRunner is announcing the acquisition of PickupZone today, which will help the company’s brick-and-mortar partners go head to head against the Amazons of the world.

Flickr: fensterbme

Prior to the acquisition, ShopRunner’s main emphasis was on providing an alternative to Amazon Prime, by offering a loyalty program that offers free two-day shipping across several big-name retailers.

Now, with the acquisition of Boston-based PickupZone, it is rolling out a way for retailers to combat one of Amazon’s newest programs Windows 7 oem key, called Lockers.

One inherent strength of physical retailers is that they have stores where users can shop as well as pick up items they’ve purchased online. Likewise, one of Amazon’s weaknesses is that it is entirely online.

But that could be changing.

The e-commerce giant has started testing out a service called Amazon Lockers, which allows consumers to pick up packages from secure mailboxes at 7-Eleven. So far, the service is being tested on a limited basis in Amazon’s hometown of Seattle.

Earlier this month Server 2003 Key, we reported that Amazon is working hard to expand Prime beyond Amazon.com, and that there are a number of options for additions, including the ability to pick up items in person.

The early tests by Amazon to provide Lockers — and the possibility of combining the service with Prime — is clearly motivating retailers to leverage their physical stores.

As part of the acquisition, ShopRunner said it will launch PickupPoints, a network of locations at retail stores where ShopRunner members can go to pick up their packages. Between PickupZone’s locations in Boston and Chicago Windows Anytime Upgrade, and store footprints from ShopRunner partners, including Toys “R” Us, American Eagle, PetSmart and Sports Authority, it can easily beat Amazon to the punch by offering more than 30,000 potential pickup spots, the company said.

ShopRunner declined to comment on how much it paid for PickupZone, a privately funded three-year-old company. PickupZone is modeled after Kiala in Europe, which has 7,000 pickup points in five countries, and was recently bought by UPS.

ShopRunner said PickupZone’s co-founder Hooman Hodjat will join the company.

 

FitBit Now Tracks Heart-Rate Data, Through Digifit

Fitbit Cheap Bandage dresses, the popular fitness device that clips on to clothing and measures the wearer’s activity levels, is adding heart rate to the list of metrics it will support, through a partnership with the Digifit heart-rate app. When users are wearing the Fitbit and using Digifit’s app, they can now pull their cardio info into Fitbit’s online dashboard DKNY Clothing sale, and can merge it with data from Fitbit’s new Aria scale, as well.

 

The Legal Black Hole in Lower Manhattan

The Metropolitan Correctional Center, where Syed Fahad Hashmi is being held

On Wednesday, an American citizen goes to trial, without the right to review all the evidence in his case and after three years of isolation. This is happening not in Guantanamo or even a military brig but in the Southern District of New York. Syed Fahad Hashmi, held in the Metropolitan Correctional Center in Lower Manhattan, is charged with two counts of providing and conspiring to provide material support to al-Qaida and two counts of making and conspiring to make a contribution of goods or services to al-Qaida. If convicted, he faces 70 years in prison. His case represents the vast, baffling scope of this sort of criminal charge and the abuses committed in the name of fighting terrorism right here at home.

With all the attention that has gone to Guantanamo Tattoo Supplies, much of the outcry over inhumane treatment and torture, the use of secret evidence, and denial of habeas rights has cast these as problems occurring largely outside U.S. shores and courts. Yet the conditions of Hashmi’s pre-trial confinement are not more humane than those inflicted on many Guantanamo detainees. Nor has his right to a fair trial in New York been significantly more protected than those of foreign nationals facing U.S. military tribunals. And the transition from the Bush administration to the Obama administration has ameliorated none of this.

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Hashmi is a 30-year-old U.S. citizen who was born in Pakistan; grew up in Flushing, Queens, where his family still lives; and received his B.A. from Brooklyn College and his master’s from London Metropolitan University. At Brooklyn College, in 2002, Hashmi was a student of mine in a seminar on civil rights. A critic of U.S. foreign policy and its treatment of Muslims, he held the rather optimistic view that you could change people’s minds by talking and arguing with them. He could often be found in the hall before and after class debating other students. For my seminar, he wrote a research paper on the abridgement of the civil liberties of Muslim-American groups in the United States after 9/11. Now it is his rights that have been violated.

Since arresting him in 2006 Tattoo Supplies, the government has sought to prosecute Hashmi for providing material support to al-Qaida without accusing him of being a member of al-Qaida, of trying to help al-Qaida commit any act of terrorism or other crime, or of even having any direct contact with the group. Instead, the government’s charges against Hashmi are based on the testimony of a cooperating witness named Junaid Babar, an acquaintance from Queens who stayed in his student apartment in London in 2004 for two weeks. The government claims that while Babar was in Hashmi’s apartment, he had luggage containing raincoats, ponchos, and waterproof socks (what the government terms “military gear”) and that later Babar delivered these materials to the third-ranking member of al-Qaida in South Waziristan, Pakistan. In addition, Babar borrowed Hashmi’s cell phone and then allegedly used it to call other conspirators in terrorist plots. Babar was himself subsequently arrested on material support charges and has agreed to testify in a number of cases in exchange for a much-reduced sentence.

Material-support laws are the black box of domestic terrorism prosecutions, into which all sorts of constitutionally protected activities can be thrown and classified as suspect. The law defines material support as the knowing provision of “any service, training, [or] expert advice or assistance” to a group designated by the federal government as a foreign terrorist organization. The prosecution need not show an actual criminal act, just the knowing “support” to a group designated a terrorist organization. It’s a prosecutor’s dream: You don’t need to show evidence of a plot or even a desire to help terrorists to win a conviction—a low bar the standards of traditional criminal prosecution would not allow.

Both the Bush and Obama administrations have relied on the statute’s vague nature—what the Bush Department of Justice described as “strategic overinclusiveness”—to criminalize a wide range of activities. Operating by the logic of preventive prosecution, material-support charges often target small acts and religious and political associations, which take on sinister meaning as ostensible manifestations of forthcoming terrorism.

These laws have created a climate in which certain political and religious beliefs are deemed questionable and dangerous. In its prosecution of Hashmi, the government will likely focus on political statements Hashmi made about American foreign policy and the treatment of Muslims here and abroad. Hashmi drew the attention of Time and CNN in May 2002 as a student activist and potential homegrown threat; he was quoted at a 2002 Brooklyn College meeting as calling America “the biggest terrorist in the world.” He was also a member of the New York political group Al Muhajiroun. The government has not designated Al Muhajiroun a terrorist organization nor deemed membership in the organization illegal, yet Hashmi’s First Amendment protected speech and association with the group is being used against him.

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Volvo introduces production V60 diesel plug-in hyb

Volvo is laying claim to the first production diesel plug-in hybrid title with the company’s new V60. The vehicle makes use of a five-cylinder 2.4-liter turbo diesel engine with 215 horsepower and 325 pound-feet of torque coupled to a six-speed automatic transmission as well as an electric motor good for up to 70 horsepower and 147 pound-feet of torque. The forced-induction internal combustion engine puts power to the front wheels while the electric motor feeds its grunt to the rear. An 11.2-kWh lithium-ion battery pack fields power storage duties Cheap Missoni Dresses, and Volvo says the V60 plug-in diesel hybrid can travel up to 32 miles on all-electric power with a single charge.

As with most plug-ins Discount Emilio Pucci Dresses, charge times vary depending on the available current Cheap Marc Jacobs Dresses, but Volvo claims the V60 can top off its cells in as little as 3.5 hours on a 16-amp line. Interestingly enough Buy Christian Audigier Clothes, the vehicle allows the driver to chose between three drive modes. Pure mode relies on the electric motor as much as possible while Hybrid mode splits the difference between the diesel mill and the electric motor. Finally, Power mode calls on the full 285 horsepower and 362 pound-feet of torque for the most driving enjoyment. Volvo says the V60 diesel plug-in hybrid can kick up to 60 mph in 6.2 seconds in Power mode.

It’s worth recalling that Peugeot was the first automaker to bring a production diesel hybrid to market Cheap DKNY Dresses, but the fact that the new V60 can plug in to charge its cells earns Volvo a spot in the pantheon of green firsts. For now Marc Jacobs Dresses sale, the model is only slated for European dealerships. Hit the jump to check out the full press release.

 

Honda confirms NSX, again, again

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The original Acura NSX was an enthusiast’s dream car come true. It had supercar looks, a lightweight aluminum chassis and a big chunk of Honda engineering soul. Unfortunately Discount Christian Audigier Clothing, the original NSX went through life without many adjustments, and Honda’s supercar dream died quietly in 2005.

To be more accurate, the dream may only have been deferred, since Honda announced in 2008 that a next-generation NSX would arrive with a pavement-punishing V10 nestled under the hood of a far more contemporary shape. But just as we started to get our hopes up Herve Leger gown sale, the market for new premium sports coupes collapsed, and the NSX was shelved when it was reportedly very close to production-ready.

Rumors have persisted that the NSX was still under consideration for future production Discount DKNY Dresses, and Autocar now claims that Honda President and CEO Takanobu Ito confirmed the speculation. Ito reportedly pointed out that the forthcoming NSX would focus on power-to-weight performance Buy Christian Audigier Clothing, adding “we don’t want to copy Ferrari for power, but to also chase efficiency as well.”

If a new NSX does see the light of day Buy Chanel Dresses, we’re guessing Honda would need to improve upon the original’s 290 horsepower, but a 500-horsepower V10 is probably out of the picture, as are looks like the 2007 Acura Advanced Sports Car Concept shown here. Assuming that’s the case, we’d happily take a lower sticker price and curb weight in exchange.

 

Say ‘goodbye’ to these cars and trucks for the new

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As we prepare to flip our calendars from 2011 to 2012, it’s time to say goodbye to a handful of vehicles that are being sent to the Great Parking Lot In The Sky before the 2012 model year completely takes hold. And while we’re not exactly upset about having to bid farewell to things like the Mitsubishi Endeavor, Mazda Tribute or Chevrolet HHR, there are a few vehicles that we’re truly going to miss.

The Mazda RX-8 Discount Chloe Dresses, for example Cheap Chloe Dresses, has grown to be one of our favorite sports cars since its introduction in 2003. We love its lightweight construction, high-revving rotary engine and surprisingly functional suicide door design. It’s kind of like a Miata with a roof and rear seats. Speaking of the Miata Cheap DKNY Clothing, Tesla’s two-seat Roadster – the automaker’s first production vehicle – proved to us that open-top motoring can be thrilling even with a stack of batteries driving the wheels.

We’ll miss the Honda Element and its rugged, utilitarian nature. We’ll miss the Volvo V50 and its capacious cargo area made for Ikea runs. And we’ll really miss those large lords of luxury, the Cadillac DTS and Ford Crown Victoria. We’ve already said goodbye to the faithful but overripe Ford Ranger, and as ridiculous as the BMW X6 ActiveHybrid was Discount DKNY Clothes, it was a shockingly good-to-drive electrified crossover.

There are plenty more models that won’t be making the journey to the 2012 model year, so have a look at the full list in our attached image gallery Cheap DKNY Clothing, then let us know which ones you’ll miss (if any) in the Comments.

 

Loan Ranger

The long-term economic strength of the United States depends on our ability to compete in the world of intellectual capital. Indeed, that is perhaps the last remaining arena where we can hope to win, since we ceded pure wage competition long ago, capital is now as mobile as an e-mail, and scale, which we once had, is no longer our friend. The Chinese middle class already numbers in the hundreds of millions, and last month, more cars were sold in China than in the United States, the first time that has ever happened.

If we are going to improve American intellectual capital, we need to fix how Americans pay for higher education. For too long we have asked students entering college and graduate school to choose one of two unappetizing options: pay astronomical tuition bills upfront or amass enormous debt that demands fixed, sky-high monthly payments the moment they graduate and enter the work force. These options serve as barriers to educational opportunity, since many cannot afford upfront tuition payments or qualify for the needed loans. That also distorts career choices, since for most the obligation to repay loans immediately has reduced the ability to choose socially desirable jobs such as teaching, forcing the pursuit of the highest-paying job regardless of personal or social utility.

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Yet there may be a “third way” that eliminates the educational financing problem. Milton Friedman first proposed the following idea, and James Tobin then refined and tried to effectuate it. If two Nobel laureates of decidedly differing worldviews agree, it must be worth at least a quick look. It is, moreover, successful and commonplace in Europe and Australia.

Marketed under the decidedly unappealing name of “income-contingent loans”—how about we call them “smart loans” instead?—the concept is simple: Instead of paying upfront or taking loans with repayment schedules unrelated to income, students would accept an obligation to pay a fixed percentage of their income for a specified period of time, regardless of the income level achieved. Suppose a university charged $40,000 a year in annual tuition. A standard 20-year loan in the amount of $160,000 (40,000 times four) would produce an immediate postgraduate debt obligation of $1,228.50 per month, or $14,742 per year, not sustainable at a salary of $25,000 or anything close to it. Under a smart loan program, the student could pay about 11 percent of his income, with an initial payback of $243 per month, or $2,916 per year Herve leger strapless sale, which is feasible at a job paying $25,000. If, after five years, the student’s salary jumped to $100,000, payments would jump accordingly and move up over time as income increases. After 20 years, assuming ordinary income increase, the loan would be paid off.

The smart loan model would permit all students to fund their own educations, guaranteeing that finances would no longer be a barrier to the education our work force needs. It would also free parental savings for other obligations—such as health care—at the same time that it would recognize that the student’s ability to repay will grow over time as income increases through a career. The current system of hitting graduating students with immediately sky-high payment obligations just as they enter the work force is nonsensical. Pegging repayment amounts to income earned is common sense. A student who wanted to teach for several years could do so Replica DKNY Dresses, with proportionately reduced payments, knowing that when she moved over to a more remunerative job, her payments would jump accordingly.

Yes, this model raises all sorts of complex subsidy issues: Do we let lower-income earners stop repaying after 20 years even if they haven’t repaid in full? Should higher-income earners subsidize lower earners by paying for the full 20 years even if they have repaid their individual debts in full? Should we set a minimum-income threshold, below which no repayment is required? Should we set an annual cap on repayments for exceptionally high earners? Should we make the percentage paid progressive, so as income increases a slightly higher percentage is paid each year?

For those who question the administrative complexities of smart loans, the answer is easy: The IRS can serve as the collection agency, making enforcement almost universal and driving costs down to a negligible level.

Why should we be especially interested in this idea now? Despite all the money for K-12 education in the stimulus package, we are woefully underfunding higher and postgraduate education, and few areas are more important to retooling our economy. And things are only getting worse: College endowments have fallen precipitously, making aid harder to fund. Family savings have taken a huge hit, limiting the capacity to pay upfront and obtain loans. And investments in higher ed have fallen because of state budget crises.

Conservatives like Friedman support the “income contingent” model because they acknowledge that education is a social good that receives inadequate investment. Because it is hard to collateralize an education, unlike a piece of machinery, the market has a hard time funneling as much capital to education as it should, from a societal perspective. For liberals, the allure of the model is that it removes a significant barrier to education for the nonwealthy and it frees employment decisions from the yoke of pure income maximization.

The success of income-contingent loans overseas has prompted sufficient study to provide blueprints for what the domestic models could look like. And the foreign experience also prompted Yale to put in place a small pilot program, which it terminated in 1978. Though unsuccessful for administrative and collection-related reasons, the Yale program did benefit Yale law student Bill Clinton.

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Lord of War

The New York Timesleads with an investigation into a weapons contractor that has been providing Afghan security forces with lots of old and useless ammunition. The company, AEY Inc., is led by a 22-year-old who has no discernible experience in military procurement and has had problems with the law. After the paper began making inquiries, the Army decided to suspend AEY from any further contracts, but it seems clear the problems with the munitions were fairly obvious to anyone who was bothering to pay attention. USA Todayleads with a look at how Shiite cleric Muqtada Sadr has the power to paralyze vital sections of the Iraqi government. Sadr loyalists control several ministries and services, and they’ve heeded the cleric’s call for a nationwide strike Discount Marc Jacobs Dresses, which is raising fears that basic services throughout the country could come to a standstill. The Wall Street Journal leads its world-wide newsbox with Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki warning Shiite fighters that they have three days to drop their weapons. The clashes, which continued to rage in Baghdad and southern Iraq, have killed around 140 people.

The Washington Postand Los Angeles Timeslead with Sen. John McCain’s first major foreign-policy speech since clinching the Republican presidential nomination, where he carefully distanced himself from the Bush administration while also emphasizing his support for the Iraq war. McCain called himself a “realistic idealist” and said it’s important for the United States to vigorously pursue diplomacy to attract “others to our cause.” He said, “I detest war,” that fighting terrorism shouldn’t be seen as a primarily military endeavor, and that the United States should use aid, diplomacy, and trade to gain favor in the Muslim world. The LAT notes the speech “showed McCain in a political pivot” as he moves from the Republican primaries to the general-election campaign, where he knows he has to broaden his base of support by appealing to independents and Democrats.

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The NYT’s lead story, which clocks in at more than 4,000 words and involves reporting by seven reporters in as many countries, has several key pieces of damning information, and each could have made up a story by itself, but added together they paint a shocking picture of the underworld of the arms trade, not to mention the inefficiencies in the federal procurement process. Here’s a highlight: Some of the ammunition provided by AEY is more than 40 years old; much of it came from former Communist countries and involves obsolete stockpiles that the State Department has paid to destroy; to maximize profits, the materiel was often sent in inappropriate packages that quickly disintegrated; AEY appears to have done business with people whom the federal government suspects of illegal arms trafficking; and millions of pieces of ammunition were manufactured in China, which could mean the company broke U.S. law. Not enough for you? To top it all off Replica Chloe Dresses, a conversation between the company’s president and an Albanian businessman, which was secretly recorded, suggest the 22-year-old executive was well-aware that his purchases involved lots of kickbacks and corruption.

Despite all the information, the story raises almost as many troubling questions as answers. Primarily, how did AEY get away with this for so long? And how on earth did a previously unknown company manage to get such high-value contracts? Perhaps more important, though, how many companies like AEY are there out there? As the NYT points out, AEY is only one of many small contractors that seemed to rise out of nowhere when federal dollars started flowing for the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts. Needless to say, the whole piece is well-worth a read.

As fighting continues to rage in Baghdad and southern Iraq, the Health Ministry, which is controlled by Sadr loyalists, was deserted yesterday. If the strike continues, it could have tragic consequences for Iraq’s hospitals. And Sadr’s influence goes far beyond the health sector. The cleric’s followers have the power to “stop all the daily affairs of government,” a professor at Baghdad University tells USAT. “They can stop services, schools, and bring the economy to a standstill.”

Yesterday, TP wondered whether the Iraqi security forces in Basra are really targeting all Shiite militias or whether, as Sadr contends, they’re focusing simply on the Mahdi Army. Today, the NYT seems to have somewhat of an answer and reports that most of the operations seemed to focus on neighborhoods controlled by Sadr’s Mahdi Army. “In fact, some witnesses said, neighborhoods controlled by rival political groups seemed to be giving government forces safe passage, as if they were helping them to strike at the Mahdi Army,” reports the NYT. So far, it doesn’t seem like Iraq’s security forces are gaining much ground, and they appear beset by operational problems. If you’re confused about the different Shiite groups vying for control of Basra, you can at least take comfort in the fact that you’re not alone. “The landscape is one of enormous complexity,” explains the NYT, because there are a number of armed groups that have taken control over key parts of the city’s economy. But it’s important to remember that the groups from which Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki derives much of his political power have been clashing with the Mahdi Army lately.

Meanwhile, U.S. officials are characterizing the offensive as a good example of how Maliki is taking security matters into his own hands. But the WP talks to a Kurdish legislator who says he doesn’t understand why Maliki chose to carry out the offensive now when there are so many other pressing problems and insists the prime minister didn’t discuss the operations with parliament.

The WSJ reminds readers that the recent violence isn’t the only pressing concern for U.S. officials and points out that there’s a real risk many Sunni fighters who have joined local security forces will go back to acting as insurgents. Add to that the possibility that Sadr will officially call off his cease-fire and that most of the additional U.S. “surge” troops are getting ready to go back home, and it all adds up to an easily combustible situation. “All three of the factors holding down the violence are unwinding at the same time, which is a pretty big deal,” a U.S. professor tells the WSJ.

The WP fronts word that the United States has been increasing the number of attacks against al-Qaida targets in Pakistan’s tribal areas because officials know the window of opportunity for carrying them out may be closing. Predators have struck at least three al-Qaida sites over the past two months, killing around 45 fighters. Some have warned that airstrikes can’t be all that effective without more special forces on the ground, but officials realize the new parliament is likely to curtail these types of attacks in the near future, so they’re trying to get as many in as they can in the meantime.

The LAT fronts apologies from the writer and editor responsible for a story published last week about a 1994 attack against rapper Tupac Shakur. LAT reporter Chuck Philips partly based his story on what he said were FBI documents that tie Sean “Diddy” Combs to the shooting of Shakur that sparked a West Coast vs. East Coast rap war. Yesterday, the Smoking Gun said the paper was fooled by a con artist who forged the documents. “In relying on documents that I now believe were fake, I failed to do my job,” Philips said in a statement Wednesday. “I’m sorry.” LAT’s editor, Russ Stanton, said the paper will conduct an internal review but said that “the bottom line is that the documents we relied on should not have been used.”

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Good Plan!

For the past 30 years, Republicans have been hypocrites about spending. They’ve raged against big government without ever proposing the kinds of cuts necessary to bring federal expenditures in line with tax revenues. Democrats have been more fiscally responsible, producing an actual budget surplus during Bill Clinton’s second term. But they’ve been little better than Republicans when it comes to confronting the nation’s long-term fiscal imbalance, which is driven by the projected growth in entitlement spending.

Rep. Paul Ryan holds a copy of the 2012 Republican budget proposal

This dynamic of political evasion and reality-denial may have undergone a fundamental shift today with the release of Rep. Paul Ryan’s 2012 budget resolution. The Wisconsin Republican’s genuinely radical plan goes where Ronald Reagan and Newt Gingrich never did by terminating the entitlement status of Medicare and Medicaid. (It doesn’t touch the third major entitlement, Social Security, though Ryan has elsewhere argued for extending its life by gradually raising the retirement age to 70.) Ryan changes Medicare into a voucher, which would be used to purchase private health insurance. He turns Medicaid into a block grant for states to spend as they choose. Though his budget committee isn’t responsible for taxes, Ryan includes the boldest tax reform proposal since the 1980s, proposing to lower top individual and corporate rates to 25 percent and end deductions. While he’s at it, Ryan caps domestic spending, repeals Obamacare, slashes farm subsidies, and more.

If the GOP gets behind his proposals in a serious way, it will become for the first time in modern memory an intellectually serious party—one with a coherent vision to match its rhetoric of limited government. Democrats are within their rights to point out the negative effects of Ryan’s proposed cuts on future retirees, working families, and the poor. He was not specific about many of his cuts, and Democrats have a political opportunity in filling in the blanks. But the ball is now in their court, and it will be hard to take them seriously if they don’t respond with their own alternative path to debt reduction and long-term solvency.

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And before they reject everything in Ryan’s plan, liberals might want to consider whether some of what he proposes doesn’t in fact serve their own ultimate goals. Ryan’s proposal to turn Medicare into a voucher provides an easy political target. But it’s hard to make a principled liberal case for the program in its current form. To do so, you have to argue that government-paid health care should be a right only for people over the age of 65, and for no one else. Medicare covers doctor and hospital bills at 100 percent, regardless of income. This gives doctors and patients an incentive to maximize their use of the system and waste public resources. Choosing to pay 100 percent of Warren Buffett’s medical bills while cutting Head Start reflects a strange set of social priorities, to say the least.

Ryan’s alternative to Medicare hardly seems as terrible as Paul Krugman makes out. Seniors would enter the health care world the rest of us live in, with co-payments, deductibles and managed care. Eventually, cost control would require some tough decisions about end-of-life care and the rationing of high-tech treatments that have limited efficacy. But starting with a value of $15,000 per year, per senior—the amount government now spends on Medicare—Ryan’s vouchers should provide excellent coverage. His change would amount to a minor amendment to the social contract, not a fundamental revision of it.

Effectively constraining the growth of Medicare could make it possible for Democrats to do a lot else that’s important to them in the future. In 2010, Medicare spending was $519 billion, as compared with $666 billion for all nondefense domestic discretionary spending. Growing at more than 7 percent a year, Medicare is projected to eventually consume nearly all federal tax revenues. It is crowding out everything else that Washington does or might want to do. Conversely, cutting Medicare’s growth rate to near the overall rate of the economy would do more than anything else to enable the kind of activist government liberals support—investment in kids, education, jobs, and infrastructure. Ryan’s goal isn’t to empower the federal government. But if your goal is a more interventionist public sector, you might find yourself on Ryan’s side of the Medicare debate.

Of the alternatives we face in controlling long-term spending growth, moving Medicare to a voucher system seems only mildly unfortunate—and nothing as compared with a debt-driven economic crisis that could stem from inaction. As Ryan rightly points out, this kind of crisis could come at any time and could cast a pall over the country’s entire future. Keeping Medicare as a fee-for-service program simply isn’t worth that risk. If anything, liberals should go further than Ryan did in this plan, adding a means-test that would diminish Medicare subsidies for upper-income beneficiaries.

There are, of course, some sleight-of-hand tricks in Ryan’s plan. What he claims would restore fiscal balance would do nothing of the kind over the next decade, leaving $400 billion in annual deficits as far as the eye can see. That’s because he slips a large tax cut into his “reform,” leaving government revenues perpetually two percentage points lower than spending expenditures as a share of GDP. What’s needed is not more tax cuts but a modest tax increase Buy Karen Millen Dresses, of the kind the Simpson-Bowles fiscal commission proposed. That failure is easily remedied Herve Leger sale, however, by adopting a top rate higher than the 25 percent he proposes, though still lower than the current 35 percent level.

Ryan also evades a lot of difficult particulars. He seldom spells out domestic spending cuts, preferring to kick the can down the road by applying “caps.” He skirts the question of which deductions and tax subsidies he’d eliminate to pay for these lower rates. Unfortunately, you don’t get big savings unless you eliminate mortgage interest and charitable deductions, which would be politically unpopular. Ryan includes the Heritage Foundation’s projections about job growth triggered by his plan—4 percent unemployment in 2015 vs. 5.9 percent without the plan—that are a supply-side fantasy. His anti-bailout rhetoric is silly pandering. I could go on.

But more than anyone else in politics, Rep. Ryan has made a serious attempt to grapple with the long-term fiscal issue the country faces. He has a largely coherent, workable set of answers. If you don’t like them, now you need to come up with something better.

 

VideoWatch the Cadillac CTS-V Coupe racecar go tes

Cadillac has put together a series of clips that document its return to racing. The automaker will run a pair of CTS-V Coupe SCCA race cars in the World Challenge series, which kicks off March 25th, 2011 in St. Petersburg Discount Christian Audigier Clothes, Florida. Ahead of the green flag, Cadillac has released the fourth and final clip in its mini documentary.

Titled Ready to Race Herve Leger gown sale, the last installment of the series has the team eagerly looking forward to its first official event. Cadillac will face serious competition in the SCCA World Challenge but it’s also got an excellent car on its hands. Click past the jump to watch the final episode.

[Source: YouTube]